Li Zhi (1527–1602) was a scholar-official during the late Ming period. After passing the civil service examination in 1551, Li Zhi worked as a teacher in Henan. He later served in the Ministry of Rites and Ministry of Justice, before leaving public service in order to devote himself to teaching for the remainder of his life. He was considered unorthodox and heretical by his contemporaries and later faced arrest and imprisonment for his ideas, whereupon he committed suicide in jail in 1602.
As a scholar, Li Zhi was a strong critic of the mainstream Cheng-Zhu School of Neo-Confucianism, which espoused the writings of Cheng Yi, Cheng Hao, and Zhu Xi. He also criticized Daoist and Buddhist thought, though later in life he would study Buddhism and the writings of Wang Yangming. He is generally considered a member of the Taizhou School, a radical school of thought developed by some of Wang Yangming’s followers and known for its individualist and egalitarian ideology.
Li Zhi’s most prominent work, A Book to Burn (Fenshu), consists of a collection of essays, letters, discourses, poems, and other miscellaneous writings. One main theme Li Zhi expresses throughout this text is the power of well-written literature, which he believed allowed for the expression of thoughts and desires one might not normally be permitted to voice. Li Zhi made this belief clear both through straightforward statements about literature’s significance and through the use of clever allusions to literary and scholarly classics.
In what is perhaps his best-known essay from the Fenshu, titled “Explanation of the Childlike Heart-mind,” Li Zhi promotes genuineness and encourages individuals to take ownership of their lives through authenticity. Li Zhi’s understanding of the heart-mind is distinguished from other conceptions within the Confucian tradition by his validation of an individual’s inner desires in opposition to long-established arguments regarding the dangers of excessive and selfish desires. Li Zhi believed that following the traditional method of cultivating one’s heart-mind by studying the classics and freeing oneself from desire would cause one to lose their childlike heart-mind as it would come to be dominated by outside influence, and ultimately the genuine, simplistic thoughts within one’s soul would be expressed superficially. Li Zhi warns against blindly following the ideas expressed by others and within the classics, as being in touch with one’s childlike heart-mind means being in touch with one’s originality, and thus it is necessary for one to draw their own interpretations from classics, rather than prematurely subscribing to prominent beliefs and sentiments. If one maintains a sense of self and originality, their childlike heart-mind will allow for a true, pure expression of their inner thoughts and desires. With his explanation of the childlike heart-mind, Li Zhi emphasizes the importance of determining one’s genuine desires by discerning them from desires and beliefs that have been influenced by others, ultimately confronting existentialist conceptions of freedom involving questions of how to live one’s life with genuineness and authenticity.
Throughout A Book to Keep Hidden (Cangshu), Li Zhi applies this individualistic approach to the genre of historical biography. In the “Introduction to the Table of Contents of the Historical Annals and Biographies” inthe Cangshu, Li Zhi sets forth a pluralistic view of the truth in which there is no objective right or wrong. He argues against the mainstream Confucian understanding of objectivity in morality, asserting that all individuals possess an innate knowledge of right and wrong resulting in countless individual truths. For Li Zhi, individual conceptions of right and wrong are all equally legitimate, as such fundamental ideas inevitably differ between people, time periods, and places. Li Zhi propounds a more pluralistic approach to understanding truth and morality, urging individuals to refrain from holding others to arbitrary and subjective standards of right and wrong and to instead use their innate knowledge to develop their own understanding of such concepts.
FURTHER READING
Handler-Spitz, Rivi, Pauline C. Lee, and Haun Saussy. The Objectionable Li Zhi: Fiction, Criticism, and Dissent in Late Ming China. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2021.
Li, Zhi. A Book to Burn and a Book to Keep (Hidden): Selected Writings. Translated by Rebecca Handler-Spitz, Pauline C. Lee, and Haun Saussy. New York: Columbia University Press, 2016.
Li, Zhi, and Pauline C. Lee. Li Zhi, Confucianism, and the Virtue of Desire. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2012.
In 1992, an uprising occurred after a jury acquitted the Los Angeles Police Department of charges related to brutally beating a young Black man named Rodney King. After the judge announced the verdict, numerous buildings were set ablaze, and upwards of 2,300 people were injured in the civil unrest that persisted for several months. Today, the public mostly remembers the event, dubbed the “1992 LA Riots,” for the ensuing chaos after that verdict. However, fewer people recognize that there were additional reasons for the event.
At age the young age of 15, while shopping for some orange juice, Latasha Harlins was shot in the back and killed by Du Soon-Ja, a Korean woman who accused Harlins of stealing from her convenience store in South Los Angeles. Allegedly, Du had threatened other children with weapons before Harlins, but this time she pulled the trigger. Two months after the incident, like the LAPD, the judiciary eventually handed Du an incredibly light sentence. Hence, many believe this judicial decision also contributed to the harsher treatment experienced by Koreatown during the riots, with reportedly increased violence, looting, and arson in the area. In particular, looters targeted Du’s store, burning it to the ground. After the chaos, it never reopened.
Latasha Lavon Harlins
The 1992 LA Riots merely exemplify tensions between Korean-Americans and Black Americans that continue to manifest in the United States. For many years, some Black Americans have intentionally avoided supporting Korean-owned businesses, and some Korean American business owners have discriminated against their black patrons. However, despite the racial, cultural, and linguistic barriers between the two groups, they share quite a distinct history that would theoretically link them.
Over the past 200 years, both Korean and Black Americans have experienced tremendous oppression at the hands of hegemonic powers. For example, in the United States, white landowners enslaved millions of people of African descent through the transatlantic slave trade. These enslaved people were overworked, sexually abused, and forced to conform to a white-controlled society. Likewise, thousands of Korean and Korean Americans faced exploitation via Japanese occupation throughout the first half of the 20th century. Their Japanese oppressors forced them to abandon their Korean names, co-opted their historical artifacts, sexually enslaved their youth, and robbed them of their political autonomy. Moreover, once their controllers abandoned the established system, members of these ethnic groups were forced to pick up the pieces and rebuild. As a result, many chose to flee their homeland to seek success in other parts of the world, while others remained in familiar territory. Collectively, shared trauma continues to affect the descendants’ current circumstances negatively.
A Korean woman and child under Japanese occupation
Moreover, once their controllers abandoned the established system, members of these ethnic groups were forced to pick up the pieces and rebuild. As a result, many chose to flee their homeland to seek success in other parts of the world, while others remained in familiar territory. Holistically thinking, Koreans and African Americans share a comparable history concerning the erasure of their identities and theft of their bodily autonomy. Hence, aside from noticeable physical and social differences between the two cultures, many would assume that there is some affinity between them.
Nevertheless, a rift still manifests between the groups. A systemic socio-economic divide exists between Korean Americans and their Black American peers, furthering the perceived dissimilarity between the populations within the United States. Similarily, many Korean celebrities continue to culturally appropriate Black culture, which creates outrage and division. Some of the biggest names in the Korean popular music industry have adopted culturally insensitive hairstyles and artificial personas that mimic Black culture. Just last month, netizens exposed Jennie from Blackpink for wearing cornrows, a traditional African hairstyle with ties to chattel slavery, in a promotional advertisement for a new HBO show. Despite Blackpink being one of the most popular female groups in the world, she has encountered very few repercussions for these actions. Nonetheless, one significant similarity presents between the two divergent groups: Confucian ideology in response to exploitation.
Historically, Confucianism became integrated into Korean social structures several hundred years ago. Brought over from China in the 13th century, the ideological values of Confucianism rose to prevalence during the Joseon Dynasty. Many ideas promoted by the ideology, such as age-based hierarchy and social position, were attractive to leaders of the time. However, as a response to the rising popularity of religion, especially Buddhism, a new form of philosophy eventually became prevalent: New Confucianism. Still relying on many traditional Confucian values such as filial piety but utilizing a metaphysical-based ethical system, this specific form of Confucianism has had a lasting effect on Korean society, even today.
Particularly over the past century, Korean political thinkers have embraced Confucian ideals in response to the Japanese occupation and the discrimination that accompanied forced modernization. Kim San and other leaders criticized their oppressive system through Confucianism and a leftist perspective towards ending their rule. In addition, leaders integrated Confucian ideals into the Korean civil code even after the Japanese government’s colonial rule ended. They rebelliously employed its teachings as a rebuttal against the controlling regime that subjugated them and the Westernization policies that sought to oppress them. Thus, they adopted policies such as the prohibition of marriage between people of the same last name, which originated from the Confucian ideal that “when a man and a woman (in marriage) share the same surname, their offspring will not flourish.” Via these traditionalist policies they contested their oppressors and found a unique, hybrid political identity.
Beginning in the early 1900s, as a response to the historical subjugation of their people, many Black and Korean activists embraced Confucian ideas in their effort to combat prejudice. While rarely emphasized in American history, Chinese Confucian thought strongly influenced the fight against American racism within the Black Power movement. Many prominent Black activists like Stokely Carmichael, Fred Hampton, and George W. Woodbey saw Confucian ideals and Chinese socialism as a solution to the prejudice in the everyday lives of Black Americans.
Although Confucius never spoke on issues of race, many of these Black activists were initially drawn to his beliefs. Specifically, various thinkers utilized Confucius’s teachings in the fight against their oppressors’ support of Christianity. The Pittsburgh Courier, a prominent weekly Black newspaper, once analogized “the teaching of Confucius: ‘Do not unto others that you would not have them do to you,'” to a biblical statement of Jesus Christ:” ‘Do unto others, that you would they should do unto you.'” Drawing comparisons to the inequalities in Asia, they embraced Confucian beliefs to parallel the qualities they saw as necessary for change. For many, Confucianism’s teachings of reciprocity and hierarchal social order became integral to their philosophy for combatting racism. Essentially, “Confucian and Christian teachings represented a moral standard that white society should abide by,” and Confucius’s non-white status made it all the more attractive.
Furthermore, even those who never specifically referenced Confucius embraced the values indirectly through their affinity for Chinese political thought. For example, well-known Black activist and educator, Frederick Douglass, was “confident that the Chinese, emboldened by Confucianism, would join African Americans in resisting this new form of slavery.” He viewed Confucianism as a solution that opposed the Christian values that white racists used to subjugate and enslave Black people. Consequently, these teachings and connections became embedded within Black society and strongly influenced other Black thinkers until the 1950s. Thus, even though most people studying these historical political movements often overlook the role that Confucian thought played in shaping the Civil Rights and Black Power movements, it manifested as a rebellious and persuasive ideology among various activists.
Altogether, when considering both Black Americans and Koreans, Confucianism cannot be stripped from their political thought. For both groups, prominent leaders sought freedom from their subjugators through similar political and social ideologies. Moreover, their tools came from a similar source: Chinese Confucian thought. Fundamentally, they used such philosophy as a source of morality and inspiration, which helped them tackle oppression. Thus, even though modern political conflicts between the two groups largely obscure these similar origins, an ideological basis connects the two distinct groups.
With such connections in mind, it denotes a very distinct Korean concept called 닮음(Dalm-eum). Translated best into English as “resemblance,” dalm-eum demonstrates how these two persecuted cultures converge in their ideological history. Despite the ongoing tensions between Black Americans and people of Korean descent and systemic prejudice that manifests as a perceived division between the cultures, similar histories and political motives leave room for collaboration throughout the continual racial discrimination. Via dalm-eum, these groups have even more reason to tear down the walls between them and function alongside each other. Hence, whether through the collaboration of the “Stop Asian Hate” and “Black Lives Matter” movements or some other historical interactions, they have a political foundation to converge in solidarity toward a similar goal.
Black and Asian Solidarity Run at Union Square (2021)
WORKS CITED
Kevin N., Cawley. 2021. “Korean Confucianism.” In The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Stanford University: Metaphysics Research Lab. https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/win2021/entries/korean-confucianism.
Suzanne, Sng. 2022. “Blackpink’s Jennie Accused of Cultural Appropriation for Having Cornrows in HBO Series the Idol | the Straits Times.” straitstimes.com, July 19, 2022. https://www.straitstimes.com/life/entertainment/blackpinks-jennie-accused-of-cultural-appropriation-for-having-cornrows-in-hbo-series-the-idol.
Yong, Chen. 2012. “The Presence of Confucianism in Korea and Its General Influence on Law and Politics.” In ¿Es El Confucianismo Una Religión? La Controversia Sobre La Religiosidad Confuciana, Su Significado Y Trascendencia. El Colegio de Mexico.
Yoon, In-Jin. 1998. “Who Is My Neighbor?: Koreans’ Perceptions of Blacks and Latinos as Employees, Customers, and Neighbors.” Development and Society 27 (1): 49–75. https://doi.org/http://www.jstor.org/stable/44396776..
Zhang, Tao. 2021. “The Confucian Strategy in African Americans’ Racial Equality Discourse.” Dao 20 (2). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11712-021-09778-9.
KANG Youwei (1858-1927) was a prominent Chinese public intellectual and reformer, best known for his socialist interpretation of Confucianism and radical reforms. Kang grew up during the end of the Qing dynasty and was an influential voice in guiding China’s development and modernization at the start of the 20th century. An advocate of constitutional monarchy, Kang saw Meiji Japan as a model for China’s future development. This view earned him the ire of his contemporaries, leading Kang to be branded as a heretic.
Kang and his student Liang Qichao participated in the Hundred Days’ Reform effort in 1898, the failure of which forced Kang and Liang to flee to Japan to escape execution. Kang’s subsequent travel through Europe and Canada cemented his belief in the danger of revolution, opting instead for reform. Kang would later return to China, and in 1917 attempted to overthrow Sun Yat-sen’s newly established Republic and restore a Qing monarch to the throne. This did not go very well, however, as public sentiment had by this time shifted heavily against monarchism, and after becoming suspicious of his compatriot General Zhang Xun’s motives, Kang abandoned the effort. While public opinion weighed against Kang by the end of his life, his ideas would continue to influence Chinese thinkers for decades to come. His most influential work, Datong Shu (大同書) or “Book of Great Unity,” argued for the dissolution of traditional Chinese family structures (to be replaced with governmental institutions), the liberation of women, the implementation of socialist-style welfare, and the advancement of Chinese technology to improve quality of life.
FURTHER READING
De Bary, Theodore and Richard Lufrano, eds. Sources of Chinese Tradition, vol. 2. 2nd ed. New York: Columbia University Press, 2000.
Brusadelli, Federico. Confucian Concord: Reform, Utopia, and Teleology in Kang Youwei’s Datong Shu. Leiden: Brill, 2020.
After China’s defeat in the Sino-Japanese War in 1895, a group of civil service examination candidates led by Kang Youwei wrote the “Ten Thousand Word Memorial,” which advocated for a series of reforms aimed at modernizing China along Western lines. After being largely ignored by the Qing government, in 1898 Kang caught the attention of the Guangxu emperor, who granted him an audience with high government officials.
The emperor agreed with the suggestions of Kang and his fellow reformers, and began to issue edicts. If allowed to stand, these edicts would have radically transformed Chinese society, abolishing the civil service examination system, revising the code of law, and promoting western industry and technology. As these reforms directly targeted traditional Chinese power structures, however, they sparked fierce opposition from the ruling classes, who rallied behind empress dowager Cixi and enacted a coup deposing the Guangxu emperor. As a result of this Kang and his student Liang Qichao were forced to flee to Japan to avoid execution, but six of their fellow reformers were not so fortunate. The Hundred Days’ Reform Movement is especially interesting because despite its failure, many of its proposed reforms were later adopted (such as the abolition of the civil service exam system or the adoption of western science and medicine), suggesting that the movement’s failure could have been as much on the part of the reformers to make their suggestions politically viable as it was a reaction of vested interests against social and technological reform.
FURTHER READING
Luke S. K. Kwong. “Chinese Politics at the Crossroads: Reflections on the Hundred Days Reform of 1898.” Modern Asian Studies 34, no. 3 (2000): 663–95. http://www.jstor.org/stable/313144.
The Indian Rebellion of 1857 resulted from increasing Indian concern with Lord Dalhousie, a Governor General who expanded British authority throughout India. He established railways, the telegraph system, and postal operations, and his “Doctrine of Lapse” allowed the East India Company to seize the revenue of various deceased princes’ estates between 1848 and 1856, fanning the flames of rebellion.
Increasing missionary activity, frustrations over the Persian language being replaced with English, as well as a strained economy, climaxed with sepoys (Indian soldiers in the British army) choosing to mutiny against British authority. This uprising across northern and central India led to a force of 60,000 marching to Delhi and rallying behind Emperor Bahadur Shah of the Mughal Empire. In September 1857 the British recaptured Delhi, murdered civilians and exiled the Emperor to Burma. The rebellion, considered India’s first war in the Indian Independence Movement, had failed, and in 1858 Queen Victoria audaciously proclaimed herself as the “Empress of India” to assume the direct government of India.
FURTHER READING
Bilwakesh, Nikhil. “‘Their Faces Were like so Many of the Same Sort at Home’: American Responses to the Indian Rebellion of 1857.” American Periodicals 21, no. 1 (2011): 1–23. http://www.jstor.org/stable/23025203.
McDermott, Rachel Fell, Leonard A. Gordon, Ainslie T. Embree, Frances W. Pritchett, and Dennis Dalton, eds. “THE EARLY TO MID NINETEENTH CENTURY: Debates Over Reform and Challenge to Empire.” In Sources of Indian Traditions: Modern India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, 3rd ed., 57–119. Columbia University Press, 2014. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7312/mcde13830.10.
India’s Independence Movement (1857-1947) spanned nearly a century in length, beginning with the Rebellion of 1857, continuing with the rise of Indian nationalism and further resistance, and ending with the partition of India as well as its declared swaraj (independence) in 1947.
The “first war of independence” began in 1857, as Indians feared for their eroding traditions at the expense of British modernization and expansionist ambitions. The sepoys (Indian soldiers in the British army) fought back as economic due to British , igniting other mutinies and rebellions in India. While this rebellion was contained within a year, Indian nationalism continued to grow over the ensuing decades and finally gained tangible traction with the efforts of Mahatma Gandhi and Sarojini Naidu. In the face of oppression they used ideas of Satyagraha and Ahimsa to encourage boycotts and strikes to further pressure British authority. These non-violent protests made things more difficult for the British, who were becoming increasingly preoccupied with World War Two. After the British, against the wishes of Gandhi, negotiated for the Partition of India with Muhammad Ali Jinnah and the Muslim League, they eventually granted independence to India in 1947.
FURTHER READING
Gandhi, and Dennis Dalton. 1996. Mahatma Gandhi : Selected Political Writings. Indianapolis: Hackett Pub.
Jahanbegloo, Ramin. “Gandhi and the Global Satyagraha.” Social Change (New Delhi) 51, no. 1 (2021): 38–50.
Singh, Frances B. “A Passage to India, the National Movement, and Independence.” Twentieth century literature 31, no. 2/3 (1985): 265–278.
Muhammad Ali JINNAH (1876-1948) is the founder of Pakistan. Jinnah joined the Indian National Congress in an effort to seek independence from British colonial rule. He originally believed in Hindu-Muslim unity while still advocating for political rights for Muslims. He left the Congress after the introduction of Satyagraha, which he vehemently opposed as he preferred a constitutional approach.
As he experienced a resurgence of his Muslim identity, he worked to establish a sovereign state for Indian Muslims who were worried about being in a minority in Hindu-dominant India. Jinnah helped the All-India Muslim League to declare the independent states of Pakistan, West and East Pakistan, by passing the Lahore Resolution. The Two Nation Theory appeared to be a solution as Jinnah believed that the religious differences between Muslims and Hindus were too great to uphold a secular state. Instead of ethnicity, Pakistan’s foundation for state-building and nationalism became Islam.
FURTHER READING
Brass, Paul R. Routledge Handbook of South Asian Politics India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and Nepal. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2009, 27-40.
Jinnah, Mahomed Ali. Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah: Speeches, Statements, Writings, Letters, Etc. 1st ed. Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 1976.
Throughout most of Japanese history, monarchies and feudal military dictatorships ruled the country. However, after a coup d’etat in January 1868 that stripped Tokugawa Yoshinobu of authority, Japan entered a tumultuous and revolutionary period known as the Meiji Restoration (1868-1912). Following hundreds of years under the rule of the Tokugawa Shogunate, the country was forced to construct a new government that appealed to the people. Moreover, as this period marked the continuation of Japan’s new relations with foreign countries for the first time in centuries, there was tremendous pressure to pursue distinct ideologies from foreign governments.
Therefore, the Meiji Era enabled vastly different perspectives to propose courses of action for economic, social, and cultural development. From socialism rooted in Christianity to Japanese Marxism, various systems were posited as options for the new centralized government. Thus, this section explores the numerous perspectives of Japanese resistance against the former government and the dominant ideologies that persisted throughout the era.
FURTHER READING
Beasley, William G. 1972. The Meiji Restoration. ACLS Humanities EBook. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press. https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.00345.
Theodore, William, Carol Gluck, and Arthur E Tiedemann. 2005. “The Meiji Restoration.” In Sources of Japanese Tradition. Vol. 2. New York: Columbia University Press.
