Li Zhi (1527–1602) was a scholar-official during the late Ming period. After passing the civil service examination in 1551, Li Zhi worked as a teacher in Henan. He later served in the Ministry of Rites and Ministry of Justice, before leaving public service in order to devote himself to teaching for the remainder of his life. He was considered unorthodox and heretical by his contemporaries and later faced arrest and imprisonment for his ideas, whereupon he committed suicide in jail in 1602.
As a scholar, Li Zhi was a strong critic of the mainstream Cheng-Zhu School of Neo-Confucianism, which espoused the writings of Cheng Yi, Cheng Hao, and Zhu Xi. He also criticized Daoist and Buddhist thought, though later in life he would study Buddhism and the writings of Wang Yangming. He is generally considered a member of the Taizhou School, a radical school of thought developed by some of Wang Yangming’s followers and known for its individualist and egalitarian ideology.
Li Zhi’s most prominent work, A Book to Burn (Fenshu), consists of a collection of essays, letters, discourses, poems, and other miscellaneous writings. One main theme Li Zhi expresses throughout this text is the power of well-written literature, which he believed allowed for the expression of thoughts and desires one might not normally be permitted to voice. Li Zhi made this belief clear both through straightforward statements about literature’s significance and through the use of clever allusions to literary and scholarly classics.
In what is perhaps his best-known essay from the Fenshu, titled “Explanation of the Childlike Heart-mind,” Li Zhi promotes genuineness and encourages individuals to take ownership of their lives through authenticity. Li Zhi’s understanding of the heart-mind is distinguished from other conceptions within the Confucian tradition by his validation of an individual’s inner desires in opposition to long-established arguments regarding the dangers of excessive and selfish desires. Li Zhi believed that following the traditional method of cultivating one’s heart-mind by studying the classics and freeing oneself from desire would cause one to lose their childlike heart-mind as it would come to be dominated by outside influence, and ultimately the genuine, simplistic thoughts within one’s soul would be expressed superficially. Li Zhi warns against blindly following the ideas expressed by others and within the classics, as being in touch with one’s childlike heart-mind means being in touch with one’s originality, and thus it is necessary for one to draw their own interpretations from classics, rather than prematurely subscribing to prominent beliefs and sentiments. If one maintains a sense of self and originality, their childlike heart-mind will allow for a true, pure expression of their inner thoughts and desires. With his explanation of the childlike heart-mind, Li Zhi emphasizes the importance of determining one’s genuine desires by discerning them from desires and beliefs that have been influenced by others, ultimately confronting existentialist conceptions of freedom involving questions of how to live one’s life with genuineness and authenticity.
Throughout A Book to Keep Hidden (Cangshu), Li Zhi applies this individualistic approach to the genre of historical biography. In the “Introduction to the Table of Contents of the Historical Annals and Biographies” inthe Cangshu, Li Zhi sets forth a pluralistic view of the truth in which there is no objective right or wrong. He argues against the mainstream Confucian understanding of objectivity in morality, asserting that all individuals possess an innate knowledge of right and wrong resulting in countless individual truths. For Li Zhi, individual conceptions of right and wrong are all equally legitimate, as such fundamental ideas inevitably differ between people, time periods, and places. Li Zhi propounds a more pluralistic approach to understanding truth and morality, urging individuals to refrain from holding others to arbitrary and subjective standards of right and wrong and to instead use their innate knowledge to develop their own understanding of such concepts.
FURTHER READING
Handler-Spitz, Rivi, Pauline C. Lee, and Haun Saussy. The Objectionable Li Zhi: Fiction, Criticism, and Dissent in Late Ming China. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2021.
Li, Zhi. A Book to Burn and a Book to Keep (Hidden): Selected Writings. Translated by Rebecca Handler-Spitz, Pauline C. Lee, and Haun Saussy. New York: Columbia University Press, 2016.
Li, Zhi, and Pauline C. Lee. Li Zhi, Confucianism, and the Virtue of Desire. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2012.
Chan Koonchung (1952- ) was born in Shanghai and received his education from the University of Hong Kong before completing graduate study at Boston University. Koonchung has worked in several different industries, such as film and television production before becoming a novelist. He currently lives in Beijing.
Koonchung’s The Fat Years, or directly translated as The Age of Prosperity: China 2013 uses the theme of dystopian technology in order to critique present actions or policies of the Chinese Communist Party and Chinese society. The Fat Years is set in the not-too-distant future , where the entire month of February 2011 is missing from public memory and record. In the year of 2011, the global economy crashed, but China remained unaffected and ascended to become the top global economic power, attaining great domestic prosperity.
The protagonist, Lao Chen, a Taiwanese writer, reconnects with several old friends, who are trying to determine how they partially remember the seemingly missing month. The group also notices everyone is suspiciously content and happy despite not being able to remember an entire month. Throughout the course of the novel, Xi and Caodi, two of Lao Chan’s friends, reveal their memories and travel to nearby regions to in order to understand why no one remembers the month and is unbothered by it. Eventually, the group kidnaps a knowledgeable Politburo member, He Dongsheng, to understand what role government leaders played in the mass amnesia and widespread happiness. He Dongsheng reveals the Chinese government places small amounts of MDMA (ecstasy) in the water and other beverages throughout the country so that everyone is relaxed and happy all the time. He Dongsheng likes this to the United States putting fluoride in its water. Koonchung implies people have chosen to not worry about the “forgotten month” because they are so content with such economic prosperity.
Though it is obvious Koonchung critiques the Chinese Communist Party in The Fat Years, the novel also presents a larger critique of complicity in the face of lost freedom in exchange for excessive material gain within any economic or political system. In Koonchung’s China, citizens gladly traded their individual rights, such as the freedom of expression, for economic prosperity. Koonchung ultimately urges readers from any country to ask themselves what essential qualities of freedom they are willing to surrender in order to achieve wealth, luxury, and prosperity.
FURTHER READING:
Koonchung, Chan. The Fat Years. Translated by Michael S. Duke. New York: Anchor Books, 2013.
Yan Lianke (1958- ) is a Chinese novelist known for his satirical portrayals of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and its domestic economic and censorship policies. Before Lianke began writing satire, he served as a propaganda writer in the CCP. He currently teaches in Hong Kong.
Born in rural Song County in the Henan Province to illiterate farmers at the beginning of the Great Leap Forward, Yan Lianke’s writing is heavily influenced by his experience with poverty and its entailing despair as a young boy. His novels explore the stark differences between his impoverished childhood and the prosperity of contemporary China through the lens of popular memory. Lianke specifically focuses on what events are openly remembered by the public and how the state influences public recollection. State control of language through censorship of literature, art, and publication affects the selective memory of the past because it reenforces self-censorship.
Lianke also suggests that Xi Jinping’s “Chinese Dream” and the desire for wealth have corrupted the people’s ability to critique the regime and create art and literature, given that most opportunities to achieve economic prosperity are so closely dependent on submitting to state power.
These themes are particularly prominent in the novel The Day the Sun Died (originally published in 2015 in Taiwan). The novel unfolds over the course of one evening, in which nearly an entire village begins to “dream walk” and get into fatal accidents as a result. Eventually, the village slips into a state of moral depravity and its inhabitants begin to act out their suppressed desires. Told through the eyes of a fourteen-year-old boy, The Day the Sun Died seeks to critique Xi Jinping’s optimistic “Chinese Dream” and the taboo surrounding discussion of past state- sponsored violence and tragedy.
FURTHER READING:
Lianke, Yan. The Day the Sun Died. Translated by Carlos Rojas. New York: Grove Press, 2018.
Lianke, Yan. Serve the People!: A Novel. Translated by Julia Lovell. New York: Grove Press, 2007.
Lianke, Yan. Heart Sutra. Translated by Carlos Rojas. New York: Grove Press, 2023.
As China increases its foothold in Latin America, observers question whether China’s involvement is for better or worse. Dependency theory is one way of answering those questions. While the oppression identified in dependency theory is typically associated with the US and Europe, China is a rising global power. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is China’s new method of investing in the economies of the oppressed.
The BRI is a Chinese development initiative to establish infrastructure and stronger trade relations in countries that need it. China invests in developing countries to build roads, bridges, and ports, among other infrastructure. World Bank studies project it may create economic growth as far as lifting 32 million people out of poverty. However, it is also a way for China to insert itself into the economies of developing countries. As China builds infrastructure in developing countries, they impose debt upon them that is increasingly hard to pay due to COVID-19. As countries struggle to pay their debts, they also give up their land. Consequently, critics see this as an example of neocolonialism and debt-trap diplomacy .The BRI began with Africa and Western Asia in 2013. Now, 20 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean are members. Most recently, Argentina joined China’s BRI in early 2022. As a result, China is now Latin America’s second largest trading partner, following the US. As Latin America is already an export-based economy, it is easy for China to profit from its resources and cheap labor. Furthermore, it provides China with a market for its booming financial technology companies as well as support for unification with Taiwan. China has seen benefits but the consequences for Latin America are debated. Skeptics point to infrastructure that has created environmental concerns, crossed borders and created conflict, and projects that remain unfinished due to unpaid debt. For example, Argentina faced significant backlash and lawsuits for allowing Chinese dam construction. Construction continued despite the damage to indigenous ancestral lands and the threat of driving wildlife to extinction. For those who believe that Latin America will suffer negative consequences, dependency theory may frame their perspective.
Dependency theory has historically pointed to Latin America as dependent on its oppressors to survive. It argues that an exploitative trade dynamic is the cause of the limited development of Latin America. Latin American economies are primarily export-based due to their cheap labor and an abundance of natural resources. They export to developed countries, particularly the US, which turn their natural resources into finished goods. Latin America is then required to purchase finished goods at the high prices set by developed countries. Due to the low earnings from exports and high costs of imports, Latin America lacks the income to develop its own economy. As a result, it is dependent on the US for the goods that sustain its economy at the cost of cheap labor. The same theory applies to China, where Latin America recently expanded its exports.
A fundamental contributor to dependency theory was Eduardo Galeano. In his most famous work, Open Veins of Latin America, he argues that Europe and the US are responsible for the economic inferiority of Latin America. For example, he argues that the American slave trade funded European development at the cost of Latin American development. The slave trade produced innovation and economic gains that set the stage for the industrial revolution in Europe. However, it had a human cost that is seen today. According to dependency theory, unpaid labor in poor conditions is the modern day slavery. Latin America must rely on conditions that are affordable rather than modernizing. Consequently, development is limited and exploitation continues. This demonstrates the remaining effects of historical power dynamics.
Although Galeano spells out the broad dynamic of oppressor and oppressed in Open Veins, it was written in 1971 before China’s sphere of influence was outspread. Open Veins describes how the world is divided into oppressor and oppressed, or developed and developing. Following Galeano’s reasoning, if Latin America is the oppressed, it necessitates that China is the oppressor. Furthermore, he explains that historical exploitation remains today. Therefore, if Latin America is already weak due to exploitation, he might argue that it would make easy prey for China. China can easily take advantage of an economy that is already export-based and fueled by cheap labor. The BRI supports Chinese development as China imports natural resources, cultivated affordably with cheap labor, in order to produce factories and financial technology. China also gains allies in its conflict with Taiwan. Eight Latin American countries have changed to support Chinese unification. Due to the dichotomy between oppressor and oppressed, Galeano would likely argue that China’s development comes at the expense of Latin America.
On the other hand, critics of dependency theory may support the BRI. One example is Guide to the Perfect Latin American Idiot by Plinio Apuleyo Mendoza, Alvaro Vargas Llosa, and Carlos Alberto Montaner. The Guide is a bitter refutation of dependency theory and Eduardo Galeano’s ideas. It ridicules dependency theorists for criticizing the US both when it provides foreign aid and when it does not. It argues that it is unfair to blame debt traps for economic inferiority when Latin America would not be able to sustain itself without foreign investments. The authors additionally point out that Galeano makes the same argument in favor of foreign investments. In Open Veins, Galeano “wonders if those who made us paralytic might offer us a wheelchair?” He therefore argues in favor of financial compensation from oppressors. The Guide concludes that if even Galeano himself would expect foreign aid, it is unfair to criticize when it is received. Moreover, the Guide attacks Galeano’s idea that the world is divided into only oppressor and oppressed. In its view, it is impossible to determine that foreign investment can only benefit one group at the expense of another. Henceforth, the Guide may argue that the BRI can benefit both Latin America and China. Its support for foreign aid suggests support for the BRI.
China’s rise in the global market demonstrates the continued relevance of dependency theory. Critics of dependency theory often argue that the success of former colonies such as India makes it irrelevant. However, it is indeed helpful in interpreting global power shifts for the present and future.
WORKS CITED
Mendoza, Plinio Apuleyo, Carlos Alberto Montaner, and Alvaro Vargas Llosa. Guide to the Perfect Latin American Idiot. Lanham, Md.: Madison Books, 2001.
Galeano, & Belfrage, C. (1997). Open Veins of Latin America: Five Centuries of the Pillage of a Continent (25th anniversary ed.). Monthly Review Press.
Zhang, Pepe. “Belt and Road in Latin America: A Regional Game Changer?” Atlantic Council, October 9, 2019. https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/in-depth-research-reports/issue-brief/belt-and-road-in-latin-america-a-regional-game-changer/.
Roy, Diana. “China’s Growing Influence in Latin America.” Council on Foreign Relations, April 12, 2022. https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/china-influence-latin-america-argentina-brazil-venezuela-security-energy-bri.
Business. “Argentina: Santa Cruz River Hydroelectric Complex – Business & Human Rights Resource Centre.” Business & Human Rights Resource Centre, 2022. https://www.business-humanrights.org/en/latest-news/argentina-santa-cruz-river-hydroelectric-complex/.
In 1992, an uprising occurred after a jury acquitted the Los Angeles Police Department of charges related to brutally beating a young Black man named Rodney King. After the judge announced the verdict, numerous buildings were set ablaze, and upwards of 2,300 people were injured in the civil unrest that persisted for several months. Today, the public mostly remembers the event, dubbed the “1992 LA Riots,” for the ensuing chaos after that verdict. However, fewer people recognize that there were additional reasons for the event.
At age the young age of 15, while shopping for some orange juice, Latasha Harlins was shot in the back and killed by Du Soon-Ja, a Korean woman who accused Harlins of stealing from her convenience store in South Los Angeles. Allegedly, Du had threatened other children with weapons before Harlins, but this time she pulled the trigger. Two months after the incident, like the LAPD, the judiciary eventually handed Du an incredibly light sentence. Hence, many believe this judicial decision also contributed to the harsher treatment experienced by Koreatown during the riots, with reportedly increased violence, looting, and arson in the area. In particular, looters targeted Du’s store, burning it to the ground. After the chaos, it never reopened.
Latasha Lavon Harlins
The 1992 LA Riots merely exemplify tensions between Korean-Americans and Black Americans that continue to manifest in the United States. For many years, some Black Americans have intentionally avoided supporting Korean-owned businesses, and some Korean American business owners have discriminated against their black patrons. However, despite the racial, cultural, and linguistic barriers between the two groups, they share quite a distinct history that would theoretically link them.
Over the past 200 years, both Korean and Black Americans have experienced tremendous oppression at the hands of hegemonic powers. For example, in the United States, white landowners enslaved millions of people of African descent through the transatlantic slave trade. These enslaved people were overworked, sexually abused, and forced to conform to a white-controlled society. Likewise, thousands of Korean and Korean Americans faced exploitation via Japanese occupation throughout the first half of the 20th century. Their Japanese oppressors forced them to abandon their Korean names, co-opted their historical artifacts, sexually enslaved their youth, and robbed them of their political autonomy. Moreover, once their controllers abandoned the established system, members of these ethnic groups were forced to pick up the pieces and rebuild. As a result, many chose to flee their homeland to seek success in other parts of the world, while others remained in familiar territory. Collectively, shared trauma continues to affect the descendants’ current circumstances negatively.
A Korean woman and child under Japanese occupation
Moreover, once their controllers abandoned the established system, members of these ethnic groups were forced to pick up the pieces and rebuild. As a result, many chose to flee their homeland to seek success in other parts of the world, while others remained in familiar territory. Holistically thinking, Koreans and African Americans share a comparable history concerning the erasure of their identities and theft of their bodily autonomy. Hence, aside from noticeable physical and social differences between the two cultures, many would assume that there is some affinity between them.
Nevertheless, a rift still manifests between the groups. A systemic socio-economic divide exists between Korean Americans and their Black American peers, furthering the perceived dissimilarity between the populations within the United States. Similarily, many Korean celebrities continue to culturally appropriate Black culture, which creates outrage and division. Some of the biggest names in the Korean popular music industry have adopted culturally insensitive hairstyles and artificial personas that mimic Black culture. Just last month, netizens exposed Jennie from Blackpink for wearing cornrows, a traditional African hairstyle with ties to chattel slavery, in a promotional advertisement for a new HBO show. Despite Blackpink being one of the most popular female groups in the world, she has encountered very few repercussions for these actions. Nonetheless, one significant similarity presents between the two divergent groups: Confucian ideology in response to exploitation.
Historically, Confucianism became integrated into Korean social structures several hundred years ago. Brought over from China in the 13th century, the ideological values of Confucianism rose to prevalence during the Joseon Dynasty. Many ideas promoted by the ideology, such as age-based hierarchy and social position, were attractive to leaders of the time. However, as a response to the rising popularity of religion, especially Buddhism, a new form of philosophy eventually became prevalent: New Confucianism. Still relying on many traditional Confucian values such as filial piety but utilizing a metaphysical-based ethical system, this specific form of Confucianism has had a lasting effect on Korean society, even today.
Particularly over the past century, Korean political thinkers have embraced Confucian ideals in response to the Japanese occupation and the discrimination that accompanied forced modernization. Kim San and other leaders criticized their oppressive system through Confucianism and a leftist perspective towards ending their rule. In addition, leaders integrated Confucian ideals into the Korean civil code even after the Japanese government’s colonial rule ended. They rebelliously employed its teachings as a rebuttal against the controlling regime that subjugated them and the Westernization policies that sought to oppress them. Thus, they adopted policies such as the prohibition of marriage between people of the same last name, which originated from the Confucian ideal that “when a man and a woman (in marriage) share the same surname, their offspring will not flourish.” Via these traditionalist policies they contested their oppressors and found a unique, hybrid political identity.
Beginning in the early 1900s, as a response to the historical subjugation of their people, many Black and Korean activists embraced Confucian ideas in their effort to combat prejudice. While rarely emphasized in American history, Chinese Confucian thought strongly influenced the fight against American racism within the Black Power movement. Many prominent Black activists like Stokely Carmichael, Fred Hampton, and George W. Woodbey saw Confucian ideals and Chinese socialism as a solution to the prejudice in the everyday lives of Black Americans.
Although Confucius never spoke on issues of race, many of these Black activists were initially drawn to his beliefs. Specifically, various thinkers utilized Confucius’s teachings in the fight against their oppressors’ support of Christianity. The Pittsburgh Courier, a prominent weekly Black newspaper, once analogized “the teaching of Confucius: ‘Do not unto others that you would not have them do to you,'” to a biblical statement of Jesus Christ:” ‘Do unto others, that you would they should do unto you.'” Drawing comparisons to the inequalities in Asia, they embraced Confucian beliefs to parallel the qualities they saw as necessary for change. For many, Confucianism’s teachings of reciprocity and hierarchal social order became integral to their philosophy for combatting racism. Essentially, “Confucian and Christian teachings represented a moral standard that white society should abide by,” and Confucius’s non-white status made it all the more attractive.
Furthermore, even those who never specifically referenced Confucius embraced the values indirectly through their affinity for Chinese political thought. For example, well-known Black activist and educator, Frederick Douglass, was “confident that the Chinese, emboldened by Confucianism, would join African Americans in resisting this new form of slavery.” He viewed Confucianism as a solution that opposed the Christian values that white racists used to subjugate and enslave Black people. Consequently, these teachings and connections became embedded within Black society and strongly influenced other Black thinkers until the 1950s. Thus, even though most people studying these historical political movements often overlook the role that Confucian thought played in shaping the Civil Rights and Black Power movements, it manifested as a rebellious and persuasive ideology among various activists.
Altogether, when considering both Black Americans and Koreans, Confucianism cannot be stripped from their political thought. For both groups, prominent leaders sought freedom from their subjugators through similar political and social ideologies. Moreover, their tools came from a similar source: Chinese Confucian thought. Fundamentally, they used such philosophy as a source of morality and inspiration, which helped them tackle oppression. Thus, even though modern political conflicts between the two groups largely obscure these similar origins, an ideological basis connects the two distinct groups.
With such connections in mind, it denotes a very distinct Korean concept called 닮음(Dalm-eum). Translated best into English as “resemblance,” dalm-eum demonstrates how these two persecuted cultures converge in their ideological history. Despite the ongoing tensions between Black Americans and people of Korean descent and systemic prejudice that manifests as a perceived division between the cultures, similar histories and political motives leave room for collaboration throughout the continual racial discrimination. Via dalm-eum, these groups have even more reason to tear down the walls between them and function alongside each other. Hence, whether through the collaboration of the “Stop Asian Hate” and “Black Lives Matter” movements or some other historical interactions, they have a political foundation to converge in solidarity toward a similar goal.
Black and Asian Solidarity Run at Union Square (2021)
WORKS CITED
Kevin N., Cawley. 2021. “Korean Confucianism.” In The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Stanford University: Metaphysics Research Lab. https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/win2021/entries/korean-confucianism.
Suzanne, Sng. 2022. “Blackpink’s Jennie Accused of Cultural Appropriation for Having Cornrows in HBO Series the Idol | the Straits Times.” straitstimes.com, July 19, 2022. https://www.straitstimes.com/life/entertainment/blackpinks-jennie-accused-of-cultural-appropriation-for-having-cornrows-in-hbo-series-the-idol.
Yong, Chen. 2012. “The Presence of Confucianism in Korea and Its General Influence on Law and Politics.” In ¿Es El Confucianismo Una Religión? La Controversia Sobre La Religiosidad Confuciana, Su Significado Y Trascendencia. El Colegio de Mexico.
Yoon, In-Jin. 1998. “Who Is My Neighbor?: Koreans’ Perceptions of Blacks and Latinos as Employees, Customers, and Neighbors.” Development and Society 27 (1): 49–75. https://doi.org/http://www.jstor.org/stable/44396776..
Zhang, Tao. 2021. “The Confucian Strategy in African Americans’ Racial Equality Discourse.” Dao 20 (2). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11712-021-09778-9.
Mengzi (4th century BCE), better known in the West by the Latinized version of his name, Mencius, was a Confucian philosopher who lived during the Warring States Period (403-221 BCE) in China. The Mengzi, the collection of conversations that bears his name, is one of the Four Books canonized by Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130-1200) that would constitute the core of the imperial civil service examinations in China from 1313-1905. According to tradition, he was a student of Kongzi’s grandson, Zisi 子思.
Mengzi is best known for his argument that human nature is good. According to Mengzi, all human beings are born with four sprouts (compassion, disdain, deference, approval and disapproval) that, if cultivated properly, will grow into the virtues of benevolence, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom. In defense of this view of human nature, Mengzi offered the following thought experiment: if someone saw a child who was about to fall into a well they would react with a feeling of alarm and compassion. For Mengzi, that all human beings would experience such feelings of alarm and compassion indicated that these sprouts are innate and universal. The goal of education is thus to nurture and grow these sprouts in to full-blown virtues.
Mengzi’s theory of human nature undergirded his political philosophy, which centered on the idea of benevolent government. For Mengzi, benevolent government required rule by a virtuous king for the benefit of the people as a whole. This required providing the people with the basic necessities that they needed to live (and which Mengzi viewed as prerequisites, for most individuals, of ethical cultivation), as well instruction regarding the role-specific duties they ought to perform. Benevolent government thus required ethical cultivation by both rulers and subjects.
Further Reading
van Norden, Bryan, trans. Mengzi: with selections from traditional commentaries. Indianapolis, IN: Hackett Publishing, 2008.
van Norden, Bryan. Virtue Ethics and Consequentialism in Early Chinese Philosophy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007.
Kim, Sungmoon. Theorizing Confucian Virtue Politics: The Political Philosophy of Mencius and Xunzi. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000.
Beginning in 1910, the Empire of Japan illegally annexed Korea after victories in the Russo-Japanese War (1905). This annexation led to the establishment a colonial government within the country that lasted until the Axis Powers surrendered in 1945. With harsh assimilation policies, forced labor, and censorship, Japan attempted to deliberately subjugate Korea, which consequently urged the development of socialist and nationalist resistance.
Thus, the March First Movement, or the Sam-il Movement, was the physical response to these tools of oppression. Beginning on March 1st of 1919, the campaign involved various student-led demonstrations demanding the Independence of Korea as a result of Japanese imperialism. Inspired by the Treaty of Versailles and Woodrow Wilson’s Fourteen Points, the movement sought to dispel Japanese colonial power through peaceful protest and the creation of a Korean Declaration of Independence. While the event did not single-handedly attain Korean Independence, it is notable for empowering the Korean Independence Movement and inspiring various influential activists.
FURTHER READING
Baldwin, Frank Prentiss, JR. 1969. “The March First Movement: Korean Challenge and Japanese Response.” Order No. 7220026, Columbia University. https://proxy.wm.edu/login?url=https://www.proquest.com/dissertations-theses/march-first-movement-korean-challenge-japanese/docview/288040533/se-2?accountid=15053.
Neuhaus, Dolf-Alexander. “”Awakening Asia”: Korean Student Activists in Japan, The Asia Kunglun, and Asian Solidarity, 1910–1923.” Cross-Currents: East Asian History and Culture Review 6, no. 2 (2017): 608-638. doi:10.1353/ach.2017.0021.
KIM San (1905-1938) was a Korean activist and celebrated Communist who vigorously rebelled against the Japanese government’s oppression of the Chinese and Korean people. In particular, Kim is renowned for his participation in the March First Movement, a major demonstration against Japanese imperialism and assimilation in Korea throughout 1919. However, most importantly, through his experiences living in and studying Japan, China, and Russia, he framed the Left-wing revolutionary movement within East Asia.
While much of Kim’s literary work lacks documentation within Western publications, he is best known for working with Nym Wales on a biographical novel titled Song of Ariran: The Life Story of a Korean Rebel. While this source serves primarily to document the complex conditions of Kim’s political journey, it also highlights many of his left-leaning perspectives, especially as a response to Japanese imperialism. From his praise of communism in “To Tolstoy: An Acknowledgement” to his discussion of Korean liberation and the power of the masses in “‘Only the Undefeated in Defeat…’,” Kim exposes the Korean Left’s robust resilience in the face of Japanese domination.
FURTHER READING
Kim, San, and Nym Wales. 1941. Song of Ariran: The Life Story of a Korean Rebel. Cornwall, New York: The Cornwall Press.
The New Culture Movement (1917-1921) was a movement in China that criticized conservative, traditional Chinese ideas and sought to advance a more progressive “new culture.” This new culture found its footing in Western ideals like science and democracy and was spearheaded by scholars such as Chen Duxiu, Lu Xun, Hu Shih, Li Dazhao, Chen Hengzhe, Liu Bannong, Cai Yuanpei, He Dong, Zhou Zouren, Qian Xuantong, and Bing Xin. This group, of whom many were classically educated, rebelled against Confucianism and classical values. Its hub was Peking University, where many of the leaders gathered under the leadership of Cai Yuanpei during his time as chancellor.
An important facet was the New Youth magazine, a publication where many of these thinkers were able to speak out through essays, short stories, and other forms of writing. The New Culture Movement espoused liberal ideas like the end of the patriarchal family structure, individualism, the re-examination of the Confucian texts and other ancient writings using modern critical methods (called the Doubting Antiquity School), rights for women, and democratic values.
Further Reading
Goldman, Merle and Leo Ou-fan Lee, eds. An Intellectual History of Modern China. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002.
Mitter, Rana. A Bitter Revolution: China’s Struggle with the Modern World. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004.
LU Xun (1881-1936) was a writer, essayist, and poet, and an influential figure in China in the early 1900s. In 1918, Lu published his first short story, “The Diary of a Madman,” a dark and satirical political commentary that forcefully attacks the government and culture of China in the early 1900s. Society was based on Confucianism, which values traditionalism and denigrates Western ideas. Through the story, Lu Xun calls for a more humanistic and individualistic society that eradicates the old values of China. This was one of the first works of vernacular fiction in Chinese history, and it was written for the magazine New Youth, which would become the flagship journal for the May Fourth movement. His most famous work is “The True Story of Ah-Q.” Similar to The Diary of a Madman, this story also criticizes Confucian ideals and urges readers to resist them, albeit not as violently as the former. He was nominated for the Nobel Prize in literature because of this work, and it solidified his writing as a pillar of Chinese literature.
FURTHER READING
Xun, Lu. The Real Story of Ah-Q and Other Tales of China: The Complete Fiction of Lu Xun. Afterword by Julia Lovell. Translated by Yiyun Li. London: Penguin Books, 2009.
Leo Ou-fan Lee, Voices from the Iron House: A Study of Lu Xun. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987.
Spence, Jonathan. The Gate of Heavenly Peace: The Chinese and Their Revolution 1895-1980. New York: Viking, 1981.
